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kotler kotler ADMINISTRAÇÃO DE MARKETING Marketing/Administração Philip A Uma pesquisa com mais de mau gosto foi divulgado mil executivos de nível A seção Memorando de Marketing “O certo e o errado em marketing” sugere . O mar- keting deve conduzir habilmente não só a gestão do relacionamento. por escrita não legível, emprego errado de abreviaturas e uso de abreviaturas com significados ambíguos, levando a frequentes mal interpretações da forma. Só que hoje atuam de forma mais discreta, ou, como diz o título O homem foi lá e foi falar com o miliciano, tá errado? Roubaram o passarinho do cara. não fazem nada pela gente, e em termos de segurança, eu gosto que eles não.


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Só Gosto De Cara Errado - Freud, Me Tira Dessa! by Laura Conrado. Read and Download Online Unlimited eBooks, PDF Book, Audio Book or Epub for free. pra o cara ir caçar é noite sem lua, como que você sai no escuro de dentro da mata e chega na tua casa? E pra baile, não gosto de estar indo pra festa meu negócio é só aqui mesmo, .. E eu não podia dizer nada porque o errado foi eu. ESPANOI>INGLES ENGLISH ▻SPANISH Más de palabras y . Take, fo r example, punch which and what is less so, and what you can say in a a) adj subsidiary cara a cara) to bring face to face, adulación [adula'Bjon] nf flattery, d [ampli'tud] nf spaciousness; behind one. angosto, a [an'gosto, a] adj narrow.

As Rennicke Log In Sign Up. Because this variety of Portuguese is assumed to be European Portuguese, very few studies have been done on the actual linguistic practices of Santomeans and their variety of Portuguese. This accentuates the memorability of the scenarios usually enacted when he narrates interesting moral and didactic stories. I disliked the idea of shooting a naked man, so I handed the rifle to the sergeant with me ….

According to Teyssier , this uvular trill is today in variation with the velar fricative [x] and the alveolar trill [r]. The second sound change is a change of manner of articulation: Barbosa is probably the first author to have noted the emergence of a fricative in place of a trill, by referring to Viana I have seldom seen this particularity in the pronounciation of other Portuguese individuals.

Today, the uvular fricative is the most frequently used strong-R in European Portuguese. The third change involves the diversification of possible rhotic sounds in coda position, including the introduction of a retroflex approximant also called the English r.

This r-sound was first mentioned by Amaral , 68 My translation of: This was later contradicted, as Tupi-Guarani languages only have alveolar rhotics Noll According to Veloso , the retroflex approximant is slowing emerging in European Portuguese also. The following table adapted from Veloso There are two environments where strong-R is required: Weak-r is required when the rhotic is the second element in an onset consonant cluster.

In coda position, rhotics are realized as either strong-R or weak-r, depending on various social factors. Intervocalically, similar to other Iberian Romance languages, European and Brazilian Portuguese have a phonemic contrast of rhotics; the choice of the r-sound will depend on the word. I divide the rhotics in four main categories: Taps and deleted-r are weak-r, while trills and fricatives are strong-R.

Many linguists use the two terms interchangeably. However, Ladefoged and Maddieson Both types are usually coronal. Thus flaps are most typically made by retracting the tongue tip behind the alveolar ridge and moving it forward so that it strikes the ridge in passing. Taps are most typically made by a direct movement of the tongue tip to a contact location in the dental or alveolar region. I will refer to this sound as a tap, as single-contact rhotics in Portuguese and Spanish are usually described as taps, and not flaps Rennicke In a spectrogram, one light vertical bar appears, which represents the constriction of the tongue tip against the alveolar ridge being released, as seen in Figure Trills can be alveolar tongue tip vibrates against the alveolar ridge or uvular uvula vibrates against the tongue dorsum.

For a trill to occur, an adequate airflow must run through in an adequately restricted aperture. Failure to adequately produce a trill will lead to a rhotic fricative or approximant. Here is the definition of a trill, as described by Ladefoged and Maddieson The primary characteristic of a trill is that it is the vibration of one speech organ against another, driven by the aerodynamic conditions. One of the soft moveable parts of the vocal tract is placed close enough to another surface, so that when a current of air of the right strength passes through the aperture created by this configuration, a repeating pattern of closing and opening of the flow channel occurs.

In a spectrogram, trills appear as a succession of light vertical bars, alternating with darker vertical bars. The first ones correspond to closure phases, and the second ones, to open phases. Although they may appear as a succession of taps, as well as taps may be seen as short trills in the spectrogram, the configuration needed to produce the two sounds are different. In a tap, the tongue body moves by doing a single flick gesture; in a trill, the tongue body remains firm and unaltered and the vibration is driven aerodynamically.

Fricatives are produced with turbulent airflow passing through a stricture in the vocal tract, the exact place of the stricture depending of 70 Note that alveolar trills in word-initial position as in Figure are rare in Brazilian Portuguese; Trennephol da Costa and Cotovizc discuss in their paper the persistence of this rhotic in a specific region of Brazil. Compared to approximants, the constriction in the vocal tract to produce a fricative is narrower and slightly further forward Rennicke Hall agree with him.

However, Wiese argues that this position is problematic as some languages have fricatives that function as rhotics. Brazilian Portuguese is one of those languages, in which a strong-R can be realized as a voiced or voiceless velar, uvular, and glottal fricative Rennicke In a spectrogram, fricatives appear as random energy distributed over a wide range of frequencies.

For example, the consonant in coda position can be re-syllabified when followed by a vowel e. Callou et al. The presence or absence of coda rhotics as well as variation in pronunciation are among the most salient features to evaluate the geographical origin and socioeconomic status of the speaker in Brazilian Portuguese e.

This category would have included sounds such as [w] or [l] instead of a rhotic. These variants are rare in my data, and they do not represent a significant proportion of tokens in any of the four rhotic categories presented above. As Rennicke Speech can be perfectly understandable at the word and utterance level, but on closer inspection it can contain segments that are not expected as variants of a phonological category.

Cara pdf so errado gosto de

The next section will focus on rhotics in Santomean Portuguese, although the literature regarding them is scarce. As highlighted by the Mozambican writer Mia Couto in an interview, the Portuguese-speaking African countries are playing an important role in the diversification of Portuguese, a process that was first led by Brazilians: Some Santomeans pronounce a strong-R in positions where a weak-r would usually be used in European and Brazilian Portuguese.

This feature has not yet been deeply investigated by linguists, so we have little information about it. Quite interestingly, some varieties of Portuguese show opposite tendencies, towards a fortition of flaps, which become uvular trills. In the segmental positions where in other varieties a flap is expected, speakers articulate an uvular [ ] examples: The author noted the non-standard use of the uvular fricatives in Santomean Portuguese; however, this is an overstatement, as taps which he calls flaps do exist in Santomean Portuguese.

I believe that it is a feature that is worth investigation as it differs from patterns that we take for granted in other varieties of Portuguese. Here are two examples At the time that Ferraz This flap, developing as a modern influence of bilingualism, has not become generalized in the wider speech community. A trill is sometimes also heard, but is extremely rare. This section has explored the body of research on rhotics in the languages of the world, in Portuguese, in Santomean Portuguese, and in Forro.

The next section will review a small part of the body of literature on pronoun subject expression. Languages that do not require the presence of an overt subject personal pronouns henceforth SPP are called Null Subject Languages henceforth NSL , or pro-drop languages, and the ones that ordinarily require the presence of an overt SPP are called non-Null Subject Languages henceforth non-NSL , or non-pro-drop languages.

Those languages allow null subjects under more restricted conditions than full-fledged NSL cf. The following examples from Italian Sheehan Who think.

Linguists have investigated the variable use of SPE for almost four decades now. In sociolinguistics, there is a rich body of research on SPE, and I cannot do justice here to the vast literature on the topic.

Variation in SPE is of interest to sociolinguists because the speaker has the option of expressing the SPP or omitting it. How does a speaker make a choice between those two options?

The main objective of most sociolinguistic research on SPE has been to ascertain the linguistic, stylistic, and social factors that determine, or at least that influence, the expression or omission of the SPP. All sociolinguistic research has found correlations between those factors and the SPE. Even so, this syntactic variable remains highly debated among scholars who work on the topic.

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First, scholars have investigated whether SPE is socially stratified. The social variables that are the most often included and discussed in these studies are gender, education, age, and language contact Otheguy et al. Otheguy et al. However, for the Mainlanders,79 this change in SPE could also be related to contact with Spanish from the Caribbean which are varieties of Spanish with a higher frequency of overt pronouns.

There are therefore at least those two hypotheses i. Second, several linguistic factors related to verbs and subjects have also shown to affect SPE. The position of the SPP in relation to the verb i. Coreferentiality in subjects also switch in reference has been 79 Otheguy and Zentella divided their participants into two main groups regarding their SPE: The average overt pronoun rate of the Mainlanders is lower than the one of the Caribbeans.

Another factor that was examined is the presence or absence of inflectional morphology in the verb cf. Poplack ; Hochberg ; Ranson ; Cameron , , The idea is that an overt SPP is not necessary when a verb has inflectional endings that mark the person. However, researchers have not yet found evidence to support this hypothesis. This suggests that verbs vary idiosyncratically, and that semantics has little to do with the variable use of SPE.

Finally, specificity of subject referent i. This has led researchers to elaborate on specificity. Fourth, discourse pragmatic constraints also affect SPE. The hypothesis is that more frequently used verbs will have distinctive mental representations, which can impact SPE. Results from both studies highlight that high frequency does not have a direct significant impact on SPE, but rather that it interacts with all other constraints affecting the use of SPP.

Based on Holmberg , here are some characteristics of consistent and partial NSL, which will be supported by examples from Portuguese. First, as Holmberg Apart from the creolists Chaudenson, Mufwene, and DeGraff, most creolists reject this idea. The SPP is overt, even if the subject is the same as in the beginning of the sentence. In a NSL, the pronoun would still be null, assuming no contrast or topic shift: For instance, for the sentence in 40 , you could have the following: Also, Brazilian Portuguese uses very few reflexives at all, so sentences such as the example above 41 could simply be a reflexive loss rather than a null subject.

So this example from Holmberg is somewhat contentious, but it is often given when discussing the partial NSL concept. Null definite pronouns only if locally c-commanded by an antecedent; Null indefinite subject pronoun.

The following illustrates this change: However, this is a functional explanation of the change in Brazilian Portuguese. An alternative theory is that reduced verbal inflection and higher rates of SPE are both consequences of slavery in Brazil, and massive L2 acquisition of some perhaps creolized 85 Making generalizations about Brazilian Portuguese is challenging, as many different dialects of the variety exist.

Guy A semi-acquired L2 version of Portuguese as well as a creole would probably lack verbal inflection and require overt SPP. In this view, contemporary Popular Brazilian Portuguese is a partially decreolized descendant of that earlier L2 version of the language cf. Guy ; Lucchesi et al. Note that other studies on the syntax of subject licensing in Brazilian Portuguese agree with Duarte regarding the semantic and syntactic distinction of null subjects in this language Kato ; Ferreira ; Rodrigues , ; Holmberg ; Sheehan , which set it apart from European Portuguese and other NSL.

Barbosa, Duarte and Kato have compared the distribution of overt and null subjects in those two varieties of Portuguese.

In Table are the results of their study, which was based on a written corpus: Those numbers vary depending on the person; in Figure , we see that in Brazilian Portuguese overt subjects occur with the greatest frequency with second person while in European Portuguese they do so with first person.

The following table shows their results regarding SPE: Oliveira and Ferreira dos Santos also highlight that the numbers of overt pronouns in the first persons are higher than the other persons: Those results are very similar to the ones found by Duarte for Brazilian Portuguese.

However, these is an important difference between these two works on Angolan Portuguese which cannot be explained based on the information about methodology given in the two papers. The author investigated SPE in the written Portuguese of forty-five 5th grade students in a suburban region of Maputo. They are all bilingual, speakers of Changane and Portuguese, and most of them learned Portuguese as an L2 at school.

Her results show that Interestingly, Dias noted that the first 89 My translation of: She also writes that null SPP use correlates with more verbal agreement. In Table are results that compare numbers for the four varieties of Portuguese discussed in this section.

However, remember that the first three varieties are in their spoken form, and the last one, in written form: However, it is possible to see in the literature on Santomean Portuguese that SPPs can be expressed 43 or not More comparable studies on the topic are necessary.

Depois cheguei a um momento que eu vi que era vazio Eng: After arrived. It showed how certain lexical, morphosyntactic, syntactic, and phonetic features are used distinctively in Santomean Portuguese compared to other varieties of Portuguese. In order to situate this dissertation within a broader linguistic and sociolinguistic framework, this chapter explored the body of research on rhotics and SPE in different varieties of Portuguese, and briefly in Forro.

The overall objective of this chapter was to contextualize this variationist study on Santomean Portuguese within a broader linguistic and sociolinguistic framework, and to discuss the information and knowledge necessary to the understanding of the results and analyses that will be presented in the following chapters.

The next chapter will now present the methodology used in this dissertation. Labov from 48 adults and eight teenagers, of which half are women and half are men. I also relied on participant observation and unrecorded naturalistic data from everyday interactions with Santomeans, and between Santomeans. In this chapter, I aim to discuss and share the details of my fieldwork methodology, but also discuss my personal experience as a fieldworker, and as a white fieldworker in an African country, and the challenges that arose.

I combined ethnography as mainly used in anthropology and linguistic anthropology with methods used in sociolinguistics to address linguistic and social questions. This focus on real-life language data joined to the ethnographic approach led to a greater understanding of the intersection of linguistic variation and social meaning Eckert From the late s onwards, sociolinguists started to conceptualize language as a way through which social differentiation ethnicity, class, gender, etc.

Bucholtz ; Eckert ; Mendoza-Denton Following this trend, the methodology I choose for this study includes ethnographic methods in order to study locally embedded language use and the role of language use in the construction of social identity. I am aware of the fact that how researchers represent the people and realities they study has consequences, as how people are represented affects or informs how they are treated S. Hall Representations, the consequences of those representations, and the implications of our messages as researchers matter Madison How can this work make a contribution to greater justice, equity, and freedom for Santomeans?

Positionality is important when conducting research; researchers must take account of their own position in relation to their research participants and research setting in terms of race, gender, education, class, language, and culture, among other factors England ; Rose ; Merriam et al. This allows for a better understanding of the dynamics between researcher and participants.

I am a white and consequently, rich Westerner investigating the black too often represented as poor African. How can I objectively describe, analyse and make public a situation that I enter with a personal background that is substantially different? When we turn back, we are accountable for our own research 96 I am from Quebec, Canada, and I am a native speaker of French.

I am fluent in English and Portuguese, but they are second languages. I aim to keep in mind throughout the writing of this dissertation that how we represent the linguistic features and practices we study reveals what we think of them.

What we think of them becomes what we think of the speakers who use them. And what we think of the speakers later becomes how we treat them. I entered the community through several different avenues, which included using personal contacts to meet other community members, and participating in local activities.

The first method involved utilizing a set of available contacts in the community to build up a network of participants for the study. The second method, participating in local activities, allowed me to access speakers from different social classes. Among those local activities were the celebrations for the fortieth anniversary of the independence of the country, participation in the making of a film, visits to different plantations and towns, book launches, music sessions at the CACAU Arts Center, and various festivals, celebrations and parties held in the city.

Through these methods, and during my first three month stay, I met many Santomeans and conducted 26 interviews discussing everyday life, Santomean culture, and the use of the languages, among other topics.

First, Santomeans are available and generous, so for most people, it was a pleasure to converse with me and help me out with my research. So they felt valued and were glad to help. I noticed that they felt more comfortable in their home or in a public space they know well, so I would always try to meet with them at a place of their choice.

Doing the interview in their home would usually mean spending time with the whole family, playing with the children and all the neighbors that my presence would attract , eating a large often too large! I genuinely enjoy doing interviews and getting to know people, I feel at ease discussing various topics, and I think that the people I interviewed could feel it.

Some of them opened up a lot, sharing their difficult past, their struggles, and their fears, but also their pride, their hopes, and their everyday life stories. People with a lower socioeconomic status were easier to find and interview; they seemed more flexible as to when they do things, they had never done interviews before and were curious about it, and in some cases, they did not show as much insecurity about their knowledge and speech as people with a somewhat higher socioeconomic status.

The latter, on the other hand, were a bit more difficult to convince. Finding people with a higher socioeconomic status and older people were part of my challenges. The solution I found was to ask friends to find those people for me. It worked out, but even so, I did fewer interviews with elders. I am sociable, but a bit of an introvert. This fieldwork required me to go out more, to introduce myself to groups of people, to feel comfortable leading discussions, to discuss topics with people from different social classes, with people that I would usually not necessarily meet in my everyday life outside this island.

I also constantly had to ask for help; as a young independent woman who can do everything by herself or at least, that is what I want to believe! But I adapted to the situations and accepted that I needed help for almost everything: I am not sure I did.

Many people thought I was Brazilian because of the variety of Portuguese I speak, but also because I was living with Brazilians. That being said, I think the primary fieldwork was useful in giving me access to relevant qualitative information about the use of languages and the 97 It is difficult to evaluate to what extent my outsider status and privilege impact my results.

I know that many Santomeans, when being with other Santomeans, speak at a faster rate, and use lexical items that are typical of vernacular Santomean Portuguese. But after fourtheen months of observation, I came to believe that Santomeans do not change their pronounciation of rhotics in my presence, and especially not their use of null and overt SPP, given that is has such a low level of conscious awareness.

It also highlighted the main linguistic feature that I think distinguishes Santomean Portuguese from other varieties of Portuguese. However, I quickly changed my mind once there and decided not to do so. It was important for me to try to have an equal-to-equal relationship with Santomeans, and not volunteering was one way of avoiding unequal relations of power with possible informants.

To the 26 interviews I did the first time with Santomeans, I added 92 interviews for a total of interviews. Consequently, I included eight teenagers from twelve to eighteen years old in my subject pool.

From January to June , I was again living in the capital, and was spending as much time as possible with Santomeans, participating in all activities I could, and often out for walks in town.

By this time, however, I had accepted that being a regular fixture was an impossible goal to reach. I enjoyed traveling in the country crossing the island, from the capital to the southern tip, takes about an hour and 45 minutes by car , and conducted interviews on the opposite side of the island, in Ribeira Peixe and Malanza, where many Angolares and Tongas live.

Instead of living in the capital, I decided to live the plantation experience, about a one hour car ride or two hours in iace, a van in which Santomeans can fit numerous people and goods from the capital. I was living near Ribeira Peixe, surrounded by palm tree plantations. I had running water, electricity, and the Internet I needed to work on this dissertation!

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But there were no restaurants, no markets, no services around me. I then spent less time with Santomeans, as I was coding my data and writing my first chapters. It is not that obvious in the capital, but as soon as we go away from the center, children start begging for candies. They repeat what their older siblings and friends say, and they learn that when you see a white person, you ask for candies.

Among that 1. It is from here that I write this dissertation. A white woman working through her privilege and the inequalities of race, class and gender in the world that I live and work in. I grew up in a small village, being taught that, no matter the skin color, we are all equals. In primary school, although there was not even one non-white in our classes, awareness of racism was raised.

Although Canada is seen as a proudly inclusive and tolerant society, it has a serious and too often forgotten race problem too: Racism against the Aboriginal groups has existed since colonial times, it is still present today, it is expressed in different ways e. The paternalistic federal policies perpetuate and deepen discrimination against Aboriginals, and it keeps them apart from non-Aboriginals.

As I experienced it as a child, this division between White and Natives was normal; this is how things were. When I started to live abroad, I experienced race differently. These race experiences are intertwined with the fact that I am a woman. During the year that I lived in El Salvador when I was 23 years old , I was constantly threatened, especially by women who were jealous of me. This jealousy was in part created by their husbands who would threaten to leave the house and go live abroad with la blanquita.

It got to a point where someone called my host family to tell them they would kill me if they saw me again. Then a few years later, in Brazil, I learned how society could be stratified based on skin color.

And these colors all have a different meaning on the social scale. Now, on top of that, I was seeing different shampoo based on skin color and logically, type of hair. My question made my friend cry, he was really angry at me, and did not want to discuss the matter. I went back home and told my white Brazilian roommate what had just happened. She told me about this shampoo being a symbol of black Brazilians being part of the consuming society, of having products made for themselves, of acknowledging their differences.

What made my friend cry is not the shampoo, but the story of black Brazilians fighting for equality. We were far from my primary school teachings. I was verbally mistreated because of my whiteness. Strangely, this happened more frequently when I was riding my bike. These disturbing events did not happen very often, but often enough for me to question myself and feel angry about race inequalities.

There is no escape from this, and I was constantly reminded that I am an outsider. I have many years of experience abroad that helped me deal with the attention I would get from Santomeans. But even so, there were many days and situations where I wanted to melt away into the masses. These privileges might have blinded me in the beginning of my fieldwork, as it took me a while to see racism. Children reacted differently to me; many played with my hair and braided it, others cried because they were scared of me.

For example, when I visited Angelina, her daughter was looking at me, crying. She laughed and said Ela tem medo de pessoas de cor! As ethnographer, one wants to melt away into the masses, or at least, to avoid being an outsider. That did not work out. When I realized how white I was, I started to have doubts about my fieldwork: How will I ever have access to naturalistic speech if I am an outsider?

I started the recording, she was shy and uncomfortable with me, laughing most of the time. After a few minutes, she told me it was her first time interacting with a white person. I could tell that it was something special for her, something to feel proud of.

But I did not keep this interview, her speech was too far from being naturalistic speech. Fortunately, these kinds of encounters did not happen too often. But note that these are axioms, not anything proven, and that even if the vernacular is to be desired for analysis because of its greater systematicity, that does not mean that speech that is not maximally vernacular is devoid of systematicity.

Singler questions and discusses the status and significance of the vernacular. However, discussing the white and black distinction was challenging; because I am white, my informants probably did not feel comfortable to discuss the stereotypes associated with whites, or to repeat what people say.

But I also ask myself: Was I really open and comfortable to discussing the black and white distinction with them? For them to open up to me, I tried to eliminate all possible barriers between us, I tried to be one of them although I knew this was impossible , so I might have unconsciously avoided highlighting the skin color difference between my interviewees and myself, conscious of the historical background of this distinction.

A lot of the information I got regarding whiteness comes from informal racializing and ethnicizing discourses. In fact, discourses that do not focus on race or ethnicity are also important to the production and reproduction of racial and ethnicity marking. I will come back to the discussion on ethnicity and stratification in Chapter 5.

Was it worth it? I am not sure. Many older people who were alive before the independence of the country are actually nostalgic of the Portuguese era, and the young are curious and attracted by Portugal. Here are two excerpts from my interviews with Luisa 52 years old and Clara 60 years old: Sim sim, que eles Eu preferia antes de Some people regret the independence?

Sim, quando nasci, era melhor. Eu era contra Yeah, when I was born, it was better. Really, why? Were you in favor or against the independence? Most of my colleagues in the US and Canada pay their participants, so I felt that I ought to do the same. Participants share with me time, knowledge, and experience, and they often welcome me to their home.

This is worth something in exchange. But at the same time, I felt really uncomfortable being another white person giving Santomeans money. I did not want a monetary relationship with my participants. And I felt like giving them money would somehow destroy the authenticity of the time we had spent together. But I knew that people from a lower social class needed that money, even a small amount, as it helps to buy food for the day.

What I decided to do to show my gratitude was to buy them a gift to thank them. I would give the gift at the end of the interview, if I knew the person beforehand and had thought of a gift idea, or I would pass by again a few days later.

The gift would vary from one person to another; it could be books and pencils, a bottle of wine, jewelry, toys for children, a snack at a local restaurant, something that would usually be worth three or four euros, i. I did not give anything to people I knew were economically more comfortable. I understood from this experience that reducing gratitude to money can be inappropriate.

I can think of two examples that somehow disturbed me. One day I interviewed a nice lady whom I will call Diana. The interview went well; we sat on her porch and talked. Then my friend said I could go again that week to interview the other neighbor. So I went a few days later, and interviewed the other neighbor. In the middle of that second interview, Diana passed by; she was angry at me. She expressed her anger in a fast Portuguese mixed with creole.

It was difficult for me to understand. But from what I understood, she had talked to her sister on the phone and her sister had told her not to tell her secrets to a white person.

What was I going to do with this information?

And I got all that information for free, without giving her anything in exchange? I had the gift for her in my bag. I let her express her anger. I said that I was sorry, and that I would delete her interview. She left, and I went back to my interview, asking again the interviewee if she wanted to participate.

She said not to worry, that it was fine with her. But I felt uncomfortable, it was hard for me to focus, I felt like I had done something wrong. Then a few weeks later, I went to the university to interview a professor. I will call him Rodrigo.

Here is what I wrote in my fieldwork journal when I got back home after meeting with Rodrigo: March 21, I got back home sad and angry after what was supposed to be an interview with Professor Rodrigo. When I got to his office, where Sofia and Anabella [other professors] were also present, Rodrigo asked me what exactly was the interview about.

I told him. After that, he asked me how I was going to cite, in my work, the people I was interviewing, the people who were giving me information. I thought he was worrying about issues of anonymity. I told him that names were confidential. And then, he started his speech. He said that he intended to write papers on Santomean Portuguese, that he would tell me what he knows, that I would write that down in my dissertation without citing him, and that later, when he would write papers, it would seem like he is copying me.

I told him that we did not need to talk about anything that was related to Santomean Portuguese and languages during the interview, that we could avoid all topics related to what he intended to write. Our government only recognizes the work of foreigners. This went on for at least fifteen minutes. Then he said that we could start the interview, but I said no. I said that I did not feel comfortable doing the interview, that stealing information was not my intention, that I was writing this dissertation for my own personal and intellectual development.

I politely said goodbye and I left. At the same time, I was angry because difficulties in the Santomean academic world are real. Professors do not have the background, the tools, and the subventions that are necessary to do research and publish. He was right: I do have greater privilege than he does. That being said, those two experiences challenged me and forced me to think about my whiteness, my privileges, my positioning, and my role as a researcher. My race and gender did have an important impact on my interactions and relations with Santomeans, and this impact needs to be taken into consideration when discussing and analyzing my fieldwork, the results of this study, and their interpretations.

By surroundings, I mean that no one lived further than fifteen minutes from the capital via public or private transportation. But reality is more complex; as will be discussed in chapter 5, many Santomeans are children of mixed-ethnicity unions. And I had to deal with this ethnic diversity when looking for participants. I wanted to study Forros who have two Forro parents, hoping to avoid dealing with participants who were members of other ethnic groups and speakers of other creole languages.

This way, language contact influence, if any, would be between Portuguese and Forro, and not between Portuguese and any other creole spoken on the island. Before doing an interview, I would make sure that my interviewee was a Forro from the capital or the surroundings by asking them, or by asking the person that had put us in touch.

That explains why so many interviews were not included in this study, but also why I ended up including a few mixed-ethnicity Santomeans to this study.

That being said, if three Santomeans grew up in the same community and one had a Cape Verdean grandfather, another had an Angolar mother, and the third had two Forro parents, would their speech be identifiably different? My guess is that there would be no difference or little if any difference in their speech, I also include in this dissertation a few excerpts of interviews I did with Santomeans who live outside the capital. I refer to them in Chapter 5 when discussing ethnicity and varieties of Santomean Portuguese.

I also included in my subject pool Santomeans who had lived abroad. I decided to do so because it is almost impossible to find educated people especially among the older Santomeans who have not studied abroad. That being said, I excluded from my subject pool participants who currently live more than fifteen minutes by car from the capital, who had lived most of their life in another part of the island, or who strongly identify as Angolar, Cape Verdean or Tonga. Many of the participants are monolingual Portuguese speakers, or have some knowledge of Forro, and a few usually older participants are bilingual native speakers of Forro and Portuguese.

Porque aqui na cidade fala- se muito pouco [hum hum] fala-se muito pouco, mas as coisas essenciais eu posso falar risos. Because here in the city it is not spoken much [hum hum] it is not spoken much, but the essential things I know how to say them laughs. Some were friends, others were friends of friends, some I had never seen before the interviews, and some I would see almost every day.

This might have affected how comfortable the person was with me during the interview. I This is less true for the Angolares, who still speak Angolar at home, in the streets, and even at work.

This brings me to discuss my interview setting. The informants were told that they could answer the phone, take care of the children, and do other things at the same time. When I first started my interviews, my ears were not yet totally accustomed to Santomean Portuguese, and this often meant that I could understand my informants when they were talking to me, but I could not understand them entirely when they were talking to others. I remember thinking more than once that they were speaking in creole, but then they would confirm that it was Portuguese.

With time, I came to understand better their variety of Portuguese. However, I did not choose the district as a limit for my subject pool as the district is a political limit that does not mean anything linguistically. It does not divide speakers of different languages or varieties, and it does not represent the limits of a speech community.

I interviewed an See Figure of Chapter 2. Igor M 23 9th grade dancer Portuguese, some Forro 4. Kevin M 26 7th grade gardener Portuguese, some Forro 5. Angelina F 20 5th grade stays home monolingual Portuguese 8. Sara F 24 9th grade student Portuguese, some Forro Milu F 20 7th grade seller Portuguese, some Forro Joelma F 24 bachelor work at a Ministry monolingual Portuguese Yuri M 30 6th grade construction monolingual Portuguese worker Gaspar M 32 6th grade gardener Portuguese, some Angolar Pedro M 31 9th grade carpenter Portuguese, some Forro Alberto M 32 bachelor telecommunication Portuguese, some Forro The names are pseudonyms.

Bachelor refers to the undergraduate degree at the university. Zita F 39 4th grade stays home monolingual Portuguese Caetano M 46 6th grade security guard Portuguese, some Forro Erico M 43 8th grade stone mason Portuguese, some Forro Marcelo M 45 12th grade business man Portuguese, some Forro Filipa F 41 5th grade palm wine seller Portuguese, some Forro Catarina F 43 9th grade cleaning lady Portuguese, some Forro Flor F 43 9th grade cleaning lady Portuguese, some Forro Pilar F 44 masters professor Portuguese, some Forro Lito M 56 8th grade gardener bilingual Portuguese- Forro Elzo M 50 bachelor telecommunication Portuguese, some Forro Anita F 69 9th grade retired Portuguese, some Forro Bibiana F 54 masters professor Portuguese, some Forro Marcela F 12 6th grade monolingual Portuguese 3.

Gabriel M 13 7th grade monolingual Portuguese 4. Pascoal M 17 9th grade monolingual Portuguese 6. Mariana F 17 7th grade monolingual Portuguese 7. Eduardo M 18 10th grade Portuguese, some Forro 8.

But as you will see in Chapter 5, I talk about the emerging middle class, which I think is leading the formation of a new national identity and the linguistic change related to rhotics. Ascription of social classes is based on different factors, such as level of education and occupation, but also family name, neighborhood, and ethnic group, among others. In addition to naturalistic speech data, I elicited metalinguistic comments on language, ethnicity, and localness in order to arrive at a clearer picture of the ideologies underlying linguistic choices and perceptions within this speech community.

In addition to these two data sources, ethnographic observations as mentioned above made through participant observation was integral to this study in order to understand group dynamics as well as community and local practices that are important to participants. The speech data included in this study was elicited in individual interviews. These interviews were carried out employing techniques from both sociolinguistic interviews Labov ; Tagliamonte ; Becker and ethnographic interviews Spradley Interviews with adults lasted between 33 and 82 minutes my objective was interviews of about fifty or sixty minutes , and interviews with teenagers lasted between 24 and thirty minutes with the exception of one interview that lasted an hour.

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Speakers were informed that they had the option of stopping the recording at any time or destroying the recording following the interview. I first planned on structuring my interviews in modules that included demographic questions, as well as questions related to family, childhood, schooling, social network, identity, and language attitude see Appendix A for list of questions.

But in reality, the recording sessions followed no predetermined structure. That meant that my participants often talked about topics that had nothing to do with the topics above, which is fine, but it also means that some information is missing.

I would sometimes get so much into the conversation that questions related to language use, for instance, which is something I coded for in my analysis, were not asked. At that time, it did not seem to be essential, but afterwards, when transcribing and coding my data, I realized these are data I would have liked to have. I also had prepared word lists and reading passages, which I did not use. First, because I did not know if the person could read and write, and I did not want to have to ask.

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Second, because I did not myself feel comfortable having sheets of paper and pens, as if I were giving them a test, as if there were right and wrong answers. To improve the recording quality, I also used an Audio-Tecnica Pro70 lapel microphone.

Group recordings were also considered, put pilot interviews of this nature were unsuccessful, as speakers were interrupting each other constantly and talking at the same time. Therefore, those two fieldwork strategies were not used, and I rather decided to conduct the interviews myself although sometimes, a friend of the interviewee would be close by , and I favored individual interviews.

When transcribing the interviews, I tried to be as faithful as possible to the speech of the participants. Consequently, excerpts I present throughout the dissertation might show absence of agreement, insertion of a vowel between two consonants, deletion of final consonant, and other features of Santomean Portuguese. More specific methodological information regarding coding of rhotics and subject pronoun expression will be presented in Chapters 7 and 8 respectively, before presenting and discussing the results.

My approach to fieldwork was a combination of ethnography as mainly used in anthropology and linguistic anthropology, and methods used in sociolinguistics to address variation of linguistic features based on linguistic and social constraints. As a matter of transparency, I shared with the reader questions related to my objectivity, my positionality, my outsiderness, my whiteness, and my background, as I believe all may have important impact on this research.

I also discussed other matter important to fieldwork, such as accessing the community, data collection, and the interview setting. The participants included in this study are urban Santomeans of Forro descent, of both genders, of all ages, education, linguistic, and socioeconomic background.

It is both an indexical and ideological process as well as a mechanism of social stratification, inextricably bound with numerous and intersecting social dimensions and power relations. I then discuss these ethnic groups as viewed by the participants I interviewed for this study and explain how they are socially stratified. Finally, I examine how ethnicity is intertwined with social hierarchies and political power. Although racial labels are still used to classify people in some countries e.

USA, Brazil , modern genetics avoids speaking of race for three main reasons: That being said, racism is constructed on the idea that personality, intelligence, and social conduct are linked to hereditary and therefore, racial characteristics, which vary from one race to another Ericksen Yinger Van den Berghe , while others argue for the importance of keeping them apart e. Banton For the current study, I agree with Ericksen However, contrary to the Santomean practice and based on the existing literature on the matter, I choose to use the term ethnic group instead of race to discuss the different groups that form Santomean society.

As Ericksen wrote, there are no hereditary physical traits that set clear boundaries or explain cultural variations. Exceptions to this are Seibert , and Areosa The author considers ethnic groups to be the product of self-ascription and identification. In his view, ethnic groups are interdependent, and their identity lies in processes of inclusion and exclusion: According to him, the social boundaries of an ethnic group and their maintenance are key to understanding ethnicity.

Therefore, the focus of investigation when trying to understand and define ethnicity should be those boundaries not territoriality, language, and cultural aspects that it encloses, for example. Barth also highlights the importance of fieldwork, and argues for starting from the field to build the theory and not the opposite. They represent less than 0. This will allow us to understand the place of Forros in the society and their role in the formation of the national identity.

Also, as Ericksen argued, in societies where ideas of race are important and relevant to people, those ideas must be studied as part of local discourses on ethnicity. It is in the local discourse and the stereotypes of a society that the knowledge related to ethnic groups lies. Stereotypes, just as ethnic groups, are a social product; they are produced and reproduced: Stereotypes are held by dominated groups as well as by dominating ones, and they are widespread in societies with significant power differences as well as in societies where there is a rough power equilibrium between ethnic groups Ericksen Investigating local and racialized discourses is the main tool to understanding ethnicity.

The information I present in this chapter is mainly based on my interviews, my fieldwork notes, and my experiences with locals.

Why from English? However, for Santomeans, it is possible to distinguish one ethnic group from another, based not only on language, but also on physical features and behavior, as explained by Max 24 years old: Como faz pra saber? I can.

Santomeans often give each other nicknames related to their skin color e. Because all the Portuguese residents with a few rare exceptions returned to Portugal after independence, there are basically no white native Santomeans. With a few rare exceptions, all whites are foreigners. In order to have an overview of what Forros think of themselves and other ethnic groups in the country, I gathered the main stereotypes that were mentioned during the interviews with my adult Forro participants.

Both groups have a similar African origin, but they believe themselves to be genetically different and emphasize their different historical, cultural, and linguistic background to mark their identity.

On the one hand, Forros consider themselves to be superior, thanks to the blood of Europeans mainly Portuguese who cohabited with their See Appendix B for the original descriptors as said by my informants in Portuguese.

The Angolares also showed the lowest haplogroup diversity and the most reduced number of different haplogroups.

Note how stereotypes set those three groups apart, and how Angolares are viewed as more violent and stubborn. A translation follows the original Portuguese excerpt. Tem preconceitos? Allen ; Pearson ; Hill Refer to Smedley and Smedley who examined the evolution of the concept of race and how we came to believe that our societies were composed of unequal human groups.

Tem a pele mais clara? O que que tem de diferente? Are there any prejudices? They have lighter skin? Yeah yeah yeah, well because some are What is the difference? For example, for example, the ones who come from And simple things make them turn to violence laughs.

Ok, and Forros? How are Forros? Consequently, Cape Verdeans were seen by Forros as some the new slaves. This suggests that there is a discourse of authenticity and promordiality — the original residents are the most authentic. The pejorative stereotypes surrounding Cape Verdeans were were perpetuated for many decades: Como assim?

Por exemplo, se ele for um Oh really? And in the way people speak, is there a difference? Only when things go wrong laughs. What do you mean? Forros have always considered themselves to be superior to Cape Verdeans and all other local ethnic groups because they refused to be slaves and they considered themselves to be more similar to Portuguese: Havia uma pequena classe The flight ticket between the two islands is expensive around euros.

The boat trip was for many years cheaper, dobras 24 euros , but quite dangerous. You think? Tongas, the mixed-ethnic and descendants of foreign workers, were mentioned too, but not very often, and mainly by the oldest speakers. This country origin was generalised to all Tongas. E a pessoa fica chateado q This is a victory for China, as Taiwan lost one of its twenty-two diplomatic allies.

Many Santomeans criticize this political decision made on economics, but are anxious to see how this will change the country. It does not come up in the news, racist comments are not frequently heard on the streets, and public ethnic conflicts seem non-existent.

In fact, Santomeans often and proudly highlight how peacefully the ethnic groups live together. And it is true that compared to other countries where conflicting ethnic groups coexist e. A few of my participants explain this peace with abundance of food, water, land, etc. However, these ethnic groups are not as clear-cut as the excerpts above and the existent literature suggest, and they are not as geographically separated as they might have been in the past.

Mobility and ethnic mixing is more and more frequent. Local and racializing discourses as well as stereotypes keep the ethnic groups apart, but the reality is changing. I can think of two examples that shows race mixing in the country: This complicates the scenario, but it is important to see that race mixing is a central element of Santomean society, even if the ethnic groups seem to be so well separated.

Temem, temem muito Sim, ter medo. De branco? De branco. Ainda hoje? Sim, desde que seja um branco que deu uma ordem, a gente tem que cumprir a ordem sim Tem mais sim, tem mais poder Tuotanto as one of the persons who served as a bridge between the two scenes. Also Heikki Vilenius from Propaganda Records simply confirmed in an email that: Rajoitettu Ydinsota EP by Rattus. Most importantly the Finnish noise, once it hit Brazil through the mail, would spread on tapes that were duplicated ad infinitum.

An important role was played by the compilations by Finnish labels, such as Russia Bombs Finland, which was published by Propaganda Records and brought together eleven bands.

Gordo went on to explain that even the way that Finnish punks dressed served as an influence: We started to copy the clothing of the Finns, so, before us no one had leather jackets with the collar painted white, no one used to do that, no one stained their pants with white stains, no one, we started doing that because of the Finns man. And there is, there are, some errors, man, like, here in Brazil TK of Terveet means hardcore, right.

Notice the white paint used for the sleeves and collars of the leather jackets source: T-shirts of Finnish punk bands, Lama and Kaaos, can also be seen for sale hanging on the window in the background source: Also for Spaghetti, these were the determining factors that called attention to Finnish hardcore, and he even went on to suggest that Finnish must be a Latin-based language, like Portuguese, since the articulation and the manner of expression are so similar.

To me as a Finn, and more specifically as a Finn who, with significant effort, learned the Portuguese language, this sounded absurd Finnish makes part of the Finno-Ugric family of languages and did not help in the least in the process of learning Portuguese.

This view however, that Finnish sounds familiar to the ears of a Portuguese speaker, was unanimously supported by the Brazilian interviewees, while the Finns were left in awe by this claim. Javier carried on with a similar discourse: The intensity of the hardcore cry brutalizes and mutilates the intonations of the language, perhaps taking the sounds of Portuguese a step closer to the Finnish mono- tonality and Finnish a step further away from it. One similarity between the two languages is that the two alphabets sound rather similar when the letters are pronounced individually.

Diana, who also speaks both languages after living in Finland for several years, made another observation about the Finnish language: You manage to sing. Therefore the importance of English came about when the two scenes started to interact. Ruidos Absurdos was a short lived band that only produced one demo tape and a live tape.

Nevertheless, I found several articles from the early s Finnish zines about the band shown in figures 8 and 9 , indicating a high level of interest for the extreme noise of Ruidos Absurdos in Finland. Figure 8: Ruidos Absurdos interview in a Finnish zine source: Ruidos Absurdos poster accompanying an interview found in another Finnish zine source: Spaghetti explained that he used to correspond and trade tapes, records and zines with roughly fifteen Finns around that time, and the fact that he and his bandmate Marcos spoke English most Brazilians at the time did not , resulted in the large quantity of interviews, compared to the amount of material that the band managed to produce.

Still, there is also something strangely appealing about the extremity of Ruidos Absurdos that captures the attention of the listener. Of the reasons affecting the local sound mentioned above, precariousness was the dominant issue here.

Ele foi mal E a gente nervoso porque ele falou: It was played badly, because no one knew how to play. It was badly… there was no production at all! There was no production, man, we went in and the wacko that paid for us said: And we got nervous because he told us: But there are people who think that this is the most incredible, wonderful, kick-ass record. The rough edges were left unsmoothed and the nervousness felt by the musicians was transmitted to the music only further accentuating its rawness.

Javier affirms that the result was very different from what they had intended it to be and the feeling that the recordings evoke in him is still conflicting. However, in retrospect it can be seen that the contribution of the errors was actually crucial — as Javier put it: In the end, that is what makes the difference, the way in which you create something makes an impact on the result.

The result is important, but important insofar as it represents a number of other things through which you arrived at the result. It represents a whole process, a way of making things that is just as important as that result. E eu falo: There was a strong intention however, to address local issues.

And then you listen to a fucking Sorto record, dammit right, someone recorded this. Someone is sending this out into the world. So I can record as well, I can make a release as well and send records and tapes to where ever I please, and manage to do it.

And I say: Was the intention really to create a local brand of punk, as suggested by Mikko Saarela in the case of Finnish punk rock? Even samba, considered Brazilian folk music, has its roots in afro, as pointed out earlier by Zorro.

Or, how is subcultural capital generated and exchanged in transnational contexts? Thiago provided a curious detail about the story of the Mohawk in the early days of the Brazilian scene that serves as an example of how local conditions molded the punk look see figure Acho que jeito de ser punk no Brasil era The Basement Show in the Ivory Tower ed.

Minor Compositions , pp. Artur de Paiva, year unknown This is a good example of creativity, flexibility and capacity for improvisation in the Brazilian mindset that stems from the difficulties that the situation of the country provides in abundance.

Some of the crumminess and the sloppiness were a result of the difficulties and the flexibility — you had to be content with what you managed to produce with the punks with those fucking huge Mohawks.

How come then some of the Finnish punk was sloppy in the same manner as Brazilian? A reaction against the fairly or perhaps too well-organized nature of the Finnish society might explain the crumminess of Finnish punk, but by using the same logic, Brazilian punk would have turned out to be clean, tight and organized, as a reaction against the chaotic and unorganized nature of the country.

One way that punk in the two scenes has conquered the errors is by owing up to the crumminess, moving beyond the error and assuming the sound, as Tiago put it: This attitude gives added value and legitimacy to the sound, and turns the errors into forms of expression, and even into works of art with their own esoteric logic and beauty, impossible for the uninitiated to appreciate or reproduce.

The poor quality of the music in reality does also turn into an effective way to fight against the threatening influence of the subcultural industry; only authentic punks will have the accumulated subcultural capital which enables them to enjoy its lack of finesse. The global reach of cultures today has created changes in the flow of cultural production and influence, as well as in the cultural economy. What once was elite culture is now being sold to the masses, and in exchange, high or elite culture has for long been interested in the primitive, the exotic, the outsider, the obscure.

This double movement can also be seen in the way that subcultures are being consumed, and in who consumes them. Figure Whether because of incorporation or due to natural causes, punk suffered a decline in the last half of s.

However, by that time it was becoming abundantly clear that punk was arriving to the end of an era. Many punks felt the appeal of metal. Also the illusion about changing the world through punk was starting to shatter. Eu imaginei. Eu acreditava. Era um idiota. Acreditava mesmo, sacou. Dictatorship in Brazil had ended in and there was a rather confusing return to democracy that took several years.

Also punk needed to move forward or become a thing of the past. Perhaps in Brazil the decline of punk could be connected to the end of dictatorship, however, the lates represented a hiatus for punk culture worldwide. During the following decade, punk would re-emerge, searching new authenticity through increased coherence and political correctness.

Musical vanity was also starting to infect even a part of the punk underground. Yet in Brazil and Finland most punks maintained a crude expression and an appreciation for crumminess. I imagined that. I believed that. I was an idiot. I really believed that, you know. All I got was mockery and spit. Fernando Rick, Black Vomit Filmes, The venue of the show was supposedly a squat, although unknown even to the locals.

It took us some time to find our way to an abandoned industrial complex. It was dark, and we stumbled through a wasteland of rubble in the direction of the sound of a generator and a silhouette of a building. As we arrived closer human shapes started to form in the dark and a distant chatter revealed that a good number of people had already shown up.

A light was shining on the second floor of the building, and as I climbed up the wrecked staircase I realized that the building was lacking a roof! On the second floor, a single light source behind the drum set was creating long shadows and I could see that parts of the walls had also collapsed.

There was no stage, the amplifiers and the drum kit were set on the floor and the precarious setup would be shared by five bands that night. The atmosphere was friendly, and at first, I seemed to blend in with the crowd that gathered around the bands as soon as they began playing.

When the crowd started pogoing I felt the floor sway slightly back and forth, the whole building was moving. Although some wore normal clothing, usually at least a band t-shirt exposed their motives for being present. It was clear that punk culture was alive and well in Brazil, what was immensely puzzling though was the fact that apparently the locals had a fondness for Finnish punk!

Already on the first night I ended up surrounded after they found out I was a Finn. What was it like? What was my favourite Finnish band? How do you say X in Finnish?

A tourist shot source: On the level of appearances the end of dictatorship would seem to be the most significant alteration. I used an extract figure 17 from a Brazil scene report published in the Finnish zine Laama, to ask my interviewees if they saw any similarities with the description and the current situation. Brazil nowadays is in a very chaotic situation politically and economically. The ruling party, which the president is free to choose exclusively, has removed all basic human rights from the people.

Americans are our bosses, they rule over everything. The Brazilian politicians hardly enjoy credibility in the eyes of the people. Politicians are rather the target of systematic suspicion. Many significant things need to occur before the living conditions of the people can be changed and improved.

The same can be said about the state of punk culture. Extract from Finnish zine and translation to the right source: Laama 10, The interviewees noted some differences, especially when it comes to the state of punk culture, which today is more conscious, less violent, better-informed and equipped.

Diana felt that the extract continues to be very contemporary: Unfortunately it seems that nothing has changed in the political and social situation of Brazil. The parties that continue to this day are the same parties that supported the dictatorship. Education has worsened, services have worsened, unemployment, violence. The police is instructed to grab anyone and beat them up, beat up a child, beat up an old person, beat up a journalist.

It is reason enough to be in their line of fire, you know. And back in the day, police already did the same thing, but it was more concealed. When I brought this up, Marcelo pointed out that since in Brazil the injustices are bigger, and the means to combat them are scarce, the truncheon hurts even more.

Jeferson b. Jukkeli, the drummer, described that the assailant was roughly years of age. E ele pegou: They stop you for real and if they take an interest in you it gets sketchy.

Last year I think it was here that there was a chacina massacre by the police as well right. How did that story go? And that kid, he was from the hood, he lived here, a few roads down.

We were having a conversation in English, so, we had had a lot to drink already, all day, laughing like crazy, the guys were loving the cheap beer and everything… Jeferson: I said: The kid had been in the corner and at the same time he came with a revolver, he had a.

I was really drunk and I did a dumb thing. But I know you, I know where you live, why would you rob us? And he answered: I told him: And he kept looking, looking, and grabbed just a cell phone that belonged to a kid from my street that was with us and left.

The violence, the social inequality, the same political parties with their usual coalitions and the exploitation by capitalist powers outside are still molding the Brazilian reality. At the same time they continue to validate the existence of the punk subculture; as long as these issues remain unsolved, it will be pertinent to make another and yet another protest song and there will be people who will appreciate the message and the effort.

In Brazil, punk has become a way to find some stability and direction, a compass of sorts that will help you navigate in the midst of social chaos where numerous powerful forces We ordered more beer and stayed to observe the repercussions. Different sorts of characters came to pass by. At times it was difficult to distinguish the cops from the gangsters. Jef said that the pimp looking fellow who just speeded off in his lowrider was a local constable. Finally we left back to the apartment to drink some more.

On our way back Jef talked to some corner guys and told us that the kid is probably going to get killed. Infelizmente cara. Alexander and Philip Smith Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, , pp. And this is what happens and we know it. Unfortunately, dude. However to many punks, it is in fact the non-normative aspects, even the stigma, that make punk appealing.

This perhaps is also one of the reasons why Brazilian punks chose Finland as the target of their fanaticism; the pursuit of peculiarity, to be different from the already different.

Man, it was horrible. Back cover of Censure EP showing the titles in Finnish source: Initially the intention was to compose six songs, record them, make thirty cassettes and leave the project at that but more songs kept coming out, and soon, they were also playing live.

Also the cover art was produced in DIY-fashion — in fact, Jeferson has also provided artworks for other groups, including groups from Finland, always adding a touch or two of Finland in the work.

Similarly, in the case of Permanente Estado de Conflito, the two scenes would join forces and naturally blend their characteristics.

The Finnish element however, despite my presence in the band alongside four Brazilian members, was mostly contributed by the Brazilians who are avid listeners of Finnish punk. We borrowed a reasonable one from a friend and I put on new strings and tuned the guitar. As he was testing it, with a look of disdain, he told me: Although stated in jest, the accusation against people who would spoil punk by overanalysing it carries some truth and perhaps the fear is legitimate.

The reason for maintaining punk outside the realm of academic analysis is to preserve its mystical aura; not to expose to outsiders the subcultural capital, the knowledge about the nuances and subtleties in punk, gained by paying the punk dues. Furthermore, as Furness goes on to say: Academics should not be seen as the authoritative voices capable of explaining punk to the masses. They are also important when it comes to my research, since they personify better than any other example how the cultural exchange has had a double movement between the two scenes.

Figures 21 left and 22 right: Hate Heiko Schach on guitar. The Brazilian sound that was a result of nervousness, raw musicianship and pressing time, but also of genuine feeling of anguish, desperation and a will to protest, had impressed the Finns to the point where they learned to duplicate the errors, which for them, made Armagedom and others authentic.

Kauttaaltaan paska levy. Kannet on hienot. Well no, the sounds are just bad. The album is crap through and through. The album covers are nice. This process perhaps makes you feel closer to the song; having to add something makes you a part of the sound, a part of the process. Simon Frith acknowledges the natural ability of humans to make sense of the sounds in their surroundings: And nothing is completely unrhythmic—the human brain has a wonderful capacity for perceiving regularity in even the most randomly distributed noises in the workplace, for example.

Often that stuff is binding, that was a good point in my opinion, that it leaves room for imagination, what is happening there in the midst of all chaos, and it will probably have a binding effect on you as well […] and it gives you a different kind of rush.

A bit of a feeling of danger perhaps? That as well sometimes. Or like: Foi seguinte: Tava la pesquisando alguma coisa de punk, hardcore [ Javier explained to them that the band had ceased to exist, but the Finns kept insisting on making a joint release in case the band had left any unreleased material.

Armagedom had in fact made a demo tape in that was This is how it happened: The dude was writing this to me! I thought: Cross-cultural exchange between Finland and Brazil on vinyl source: In fact, the enthusiasm of the crazy Finns gave the Brazilians the inspiration to give Armagedom another try.

In this case, what makes this a different type of error, is that it is intentional: Foi eles que insistiram, tipo, escrever errado? Eles falou assim: Falei assim: Recently, Taurus commented on their bad Portuguese in an interview: Did they insist, like, on writing incorrectly?

They told me: Otto always told me, Itkonen, each time he would ask for some translation, whatever it was, he said: He claims that the reasons are economic, that the Mexican punk bands simply cannot afford the plane tickets. In fact, a Brazilian punk band touring in Europe is no rare occasion: A quick list drawn from memory includes: Some of them have played in Finland on more than one occasion and it is also probable that one or two have slipped my mind. In addition to these groups, several individuals have managed to go on pilgrimages to Finland despite economic difficulties.

Otto Itkonen has been in contact with the Brazilians for over twenty years and released a number of Brazilian bands. The attraction between Finland and Brazil has clearly been mutual and the cultural exchange is ongoing: In , Massacre released new tracks following their Brazilian tour after twenty years of hiatus.

The song tells the story of a teenager who robs a bar and is later found dead in the gutter. Como falamos. Como somos. In Poesia Pau-Brasil de Andrade makes an appeal for truly Brazilian poetry, against imitations of the stereotypical works of European literature.

In the new Brazilian poetry the real, the innocent and the sincere should come out, but not in any already existing form. Furthermore, he was an advocate for the invaluable contribution of all creative mistakes, since the innovation, surprise and shock that the errors provide guarantee originality. These are the kinds of mistakes that the Language without archaisms, without erudition.

Natural and neologic. The millionaire contribution of all mistakes. How we speak. How we are. Editora Globo, , p. Sem ontologia. De Andrade re-appropriated the primitive as a source of strength, vitality and identity: Without literary reminiscences.

Without ontology. Abandoned houses were filled with new life. Scrapped artefacts were converted into identity-making symbols. This way punk is in fact correcting consumerism-related ethical mistakes by salvaging a lost potential and bringing it to actualization.

Musically the anthropophagic rite is reflected in the peculiar crumminess of punk. Existing forms of music were savagely mutilated, consumed and digested, and the new sounds that were regurgitated, got ingested and remodelled again by the following punk generations, creating in turn other forms of musical neologisms.

Furthermore as de Andrade had hoped for in Pau-Brasil, some of these new expressions have become items of export; the primal scream of Brazilian and Finnish punks has spread through the alternative channels of cultural exchange to the far ends of the earth. Not everyone has access to proper education, let alone the chance to attend music lessons or the means to acquire decent instruments.

But can — or should — this determine who has the right to express themselves? Although tackling social class was not the aim of this dissertation, the research has made it clear that regardless of their social background, the actions and attitudes of punks always question something. De Andrade had the same intention. This is also how Javier described punk: What are you objecting to? The success of this rare performance is now going to be repeated for the first time in the edition of the same festival.

In fact, before passing any judgement on punk music on the basis of what is written here, I would suggest attending a live concert. Although many other styles of music are also best experienced live, it can be argued that for punk, the live show holds special importance. However if attending a show is not an option yet the curiosity to form a subjective idea of some of the music mentioned in this dissertation has been triggered, then perhaps the next best alternative would be to listen to punk on vinyl records.

It should be noted that the average age of the twenty-one male and three female punks interviewed came to thirty-eight. As a matter of fact even the main question tackled here i. Language is certainly part of the enigma and it would be interesting to conduct further studies that give more attention to the linguistic angle.

Even though this research has not produced unequivocal answers to the reasons behind the mutual appeal between Finnish and Brazilian punks, it has at least partially succeeded in documenting this curious phenomenon, and possibly also contributed to bringing about a greater comprehension between punk and academia. Other outcomes include an improved cultural understanding of self on the part of the researcher, and perhaps the text will also spark off self-reflection in some of its readers.

Hopefully even the mistakes committed by the researcher might, in the spirit of punk, have positive contributions of unforeseen value. On an even more personal note, this project has also directly and tangibly resulted in subcultural production.

My research trip to Brazil brought about the reunion of three fifths of Permanente Estado de Conflito and nine years after having last played together, Lewin and Williams, Authenticity in Culture, Self and Society, pp. The implication here is not only that punk will endure despite inevitable degeneration, but also that in due time the mistakes brought on by decay will add their contribution to the mistakes of youth.

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